Why there are no streaks in I Have No Self Control
In short A tester asked for streaks. My app has none, and no scores, badges or guilt messages either, and that is less of a scientific decision than it may look. In the studies that exist, streaks, points and badges mostly did what they promise, though almost all of those studies ran for minutes or weeks, and none followed adults with ADHD over time. Little of it reaches an app like mine. I leave streaks out for three reasons I can name: my own experience that they wear off, my expectation that a broken streak costs more than no streak, and the way the app is built, where asking for more time is a whole answer and not a failure. Scores, guilt messages and badges are missing too, for reasons close to these.
A tester asked me for streaks this week: a count of the days in a row spent inside the limit. Many habit apps have one. Mine has none, and no scores, badges or guilt messages either.
That is less of a scientific decision than it may look. I read what studies I could find, and most are small, short, or about something else: a task of a few minutes, a course at a university, children in a laboratory. Very little reaches an app like mine, used for months by people like me. Streaks come closest to an exception, and the exception runs against me: where they have been tested, they mostly did what they promise. Even with help from AI tools, I found no study of whether that lasts in an app over months.
So much of what follows is a matter of taste. This article says what the studies show and where they stop, and then gives my reasons. Some rest on studies. Most rest on my own judgement, and I mark which is which.
What streaks can do
In 7 studies, most of them online experiments, people who were shown an intact streak in a log of what they had done were more likely to carry on than people who were shown a broken one, even when both had done exactly the same [1].
A newer paper went further and paid for streaks. In 8 online experiments, most of which let crowd workers choose again and again between a dull paid task and a funny video, one group earned the same small reward for every task. The other group earned less for the first task, more for the next ones in a row, and dropped back to the lowest rate after a break. That second group was paid less for the same work, and still did more of it in each of those experiments. In the remaining one, people only imagined the work, and said they would do more [2].
Game elements without a streak have mostly done well too. In an online task with 273 people, those who saw points, levels or a leaderboard wrote more tags for the same 15 pictures than those who saw a plain version, though not better ones, and the groups did not differ in how motivated they said they were afterwards [3]. On the trading site of a Finnish university, the 1,579 people who registered in the year after badges were introduced were more active than the 1,410 who had registered the year before; once the growth of the site and the time each person had been registered were taken into account, that held for completed trades, comments and page views, and no longer for trade offers [4]. A meta-analysis of 16 studies found that gamified programmes raised physical activity. Of those studies, 6 looked again 12 weeks or more after the programme had ended. Taken together they showed no significant effect; with one of them set aside, a very small to small one appeared, which the authors read as a sign that the effect outlasts the novelty [5].
Even the study I know that looks at the dark side of streaks comes down in their favour. It interviewed 17 runners whose streak of at least 100 days had ended. Disappointment was the feeling they named most often, and several described a grief that went on for weeks and months. The authors still conclude that streak running has the potential to support lasting change like few other techniques, with a small risk of backfiring for some [6].
What the studies did not measure
Now look at how those tests were run. The paid streaks lasted one sitting of 5 or 10 choices [2]. The picture-tagging study took about 22 minutes, questionnaires included [3]. The badge study reports only totals per person, with no breakdown by time, so the paper does not show whether the lead held or shrank over the year, and its author notes that “novelty has not been directly measured in related studies” [4].
What this does not show
Even with extensive help from AI tools, I found no peer-reviewed study that follows a streak in a consumer app over months. I found none of streaks, or of any game layer, in adults with ADHD that measures use over time. The authors of the paid-streak experiments say themselves that it would be useful to test their effect in the field, and over much longer time scales [2].
A few studies have followed a game layer over time. One of them tracked it in 2-week steps. At a Brazilian university, 756 students practised programming for 14 weeks on a system that was gamified for some year groups and not for others. For the first 4 weeks the gamified groups were clearly more active. Then the difference shrank: on one of the 3 measures it was not significant for 3 of the 2-week steps, on a second it was only marginally significant in one, and from somewhere between week 6 and week 10 it came back in part, but not to where it had started [7].
What this does not show
The year groups were not assigned at random, the authors read the shape of the curve off a chart, and they measured neither novelty nor familiarisation, the two words they explain it with [7]. The paper describes no streak among the system’s game elements. The meta-analysis above is no firmer. Its main effect was no longer significant once studies at risk of bias were left out, and it found no significant link between how long a programme ran and how well it worked, though its authors suspect that long programmes wear people out [5].
For ADHD there is less still. The nearest paper I found interviewed 14 adults who reported having ADHD about an app of 37 static pages, built by the authors’ own university together with a health service and an ADHD charity. Its one sentence on streaks is the authors’ summary: “Rewards, badges or streaks” for reading and for mindfulness exercises “were also noted as ways to improve engagement” [8]. No participant is quoted asking for them. The one who is quoted on a game element wanted lessons that open one step at a time [8].
What is established is narrower, and it is about children. A review of 22 studies with 1,181 children found clear evidence that reward improves performance with and without ADHD, and that response cost does too, where a wrong answer takes away part of the reward. For children with ADHD, response cost seemed to be as effective as reward. On 3 of those studies the review also found that children with ADHD seem to choose an immediate reward over a later one more often than other children [9]. On whether a reward wears off faster with ADHD, the review’s text discusses a single result, and it is about the body: in one study, the heart rate of children with ADHD got used to repeated rewards sooner [9]. The nearest experiment I read asked a different question, what happens when a reward stops. It had 111 children aged 8 to 12, 49 of them with ADHD, learn a rewarded response and then go 2 minutes without any reward. In the planned comparisons the groups did not differ [10].
So nothing I have read shows that streaks wear off for people like me. Nothing shows that they keep working either. As far as I could find, with AI tools doing the searching, the question has not been asked.
Why I leave them out anyway
My preference
I was diagnosed with ADHD at 39, and I built this app for my own brain first. Offer that brain a streak and it says yes in the first second, because a streak is new and it rewards.
I think that yes is an impulse answer, and that streaks only work as long as they work. In my own life they have worn off quickly every time, and when the reward was gone I stopped using the thing altogether. The studies do not show this, as the section above says. It is my experience, and I am building on it knowingly.
The second reason is about what a broken streak says.
My preference
I expect mine to break. When it does, what I see is that once again I did not manage it. Not sticking with things is the part of ADHD I find hardest to live with. A counter that records it is the last thing I want from a tool that is supposed to be on my side.
Conclusion, not tested
I expect a target I have missed to cost me more than no target at all. One experiment tested something close to that, and two other studies sit near it. Among students who handed in a 30-day proofreading job, those who had been asked to set themselves a deadline and then missed it took 25.37 days, against 18.13 for those who had been asked for none, and found fewer of the planted errors; one of them wrote that “once I got late, there was no point in rushing since I was late for myself” [11]. Who missed a deadline was not decided at random, though [11], and I would expect slower workers among them more often. Among 203 smokers who slipped after quitting, guilt and self-blame after a slip did not, on their own, predict the next one, while a rating taken from 3 questions did, on confidence, on feeling encouraged and on wanting to give up, each answered from 0 to 10: every point less went with a 9% higher risk of slipping again [12]. And in a survey of 1,203 adults, the 548 who reported an ADHD diagnosis rated themselves lower on self-compassion, and as more criticised by the people around them, than the 655 who reported none. But 52.06% of those 655 scored above the cut-off of an ADHD symptom scale themselves and answered much like the diagnosed, and a survey taken once shows no cause [13]. The step from these to a broken streak will cost me more than it gives me is mine.
The third reason needs no study, because it is about how the app is built. It gives the apps you choose a daily limit. When the limit is used up, a curtain stands in front of them with two buttons of the same size. One says Not now. The other leads to more time, at a price you set earlier, a short walk or a wait, and paying it earns a ticket for more minutes. Both buttons are whole answers. A streak of days under the limit would make one of them the wrong answer: paying the price, which the app offers in good faith, would break it. The question on the curtain, whether more is worth it right now, would turn into a test, and the app into its examiner.
My preference
The app does not try to re-educate anyone, because I do not believe that is possible. It tries to put a moment of thought between an impulse and an action. What I decide in that moment is not the app’s to grade.
What else is missing
Scores and charts
The app shows no percentage of days kept, no weekly chart and no grade. The evidence here is thin in both directions. In a 4-week test with 31 people, each week brought another version of a modified Twitter app, and some versions offered a page of usage statistics and showed a pop-up after 20 minutes of use. Prompts during use picked up no significant difference in how much in control people felt, in a sample the authors call small, while a set of changes to the app’s feed made a small one. Asked week by week, people were more likely to say that the statistics page made them feel in control than that the pop-up did. The time they spent showed no significant change either way [14]. In a 2-week study, 25 students estimated their screen time each day and compared it with the real figure, and 20 of them finished. Several participants reported guilt and disappointment at the numbers, “even for what they considered meaningful activities”, while positive mood, asked at the start and at the end, rose by about 10% on average, in a study without a comparison group [15].
What this does not show
One argument against counting is that it can turn play into work: in 6 experiments, people who watched a count of their own steps, pages or coloured shapes did more and, by the author’s summary, enjoyed it less [16]. I do not lean on it. Those experiments were about things people do for their own sake, and the author writes that the cost may not appear where an activity serves a goal. I count keeping to a limit as a goal, though the experiments did not cover limits.
My preference
My reason is close to the one for streaks. Once the days I kept become a number, that number is one more standard to fail against.
Guilt
The app never says that you failed. That is a stance, and the studies do not hand it to me. In an analysis of 1,529 store reviews of 61 self-control apps and browser extensions, one reviewer wrote of a punishment that it “almost says ‘you’ve failed’”, and another, of a browser extension, “I like the guilt trip it gives me if I attempt to get into facebook or other social networks”. In 9% of the reviews people asked for stricter or more persuasive tools. The authors filed 2% of the reviews under the bad feelings such tools can set off, and some of those reviewers welcomed them [17]. The smokers’ study above goes further against me: self-blame after a slip that followed a longer smoke-free stretch went with a later next slip, and its authors suggest that treatment should not try to talk people out of it. For guilt itself the same study found both directions, depending on whether a person’s patch held nicotine or was a placebo [12].
My preference
I leave guilt out because I have plenty of my own, and because a tool that scolds me is one I delete. Some people want the push, and for them this app will feel too quiet.
Badges and leaderboards
Nothing in the app can be collected, and nobody is ranked. I know of one study in which badges went badly, and it is small: 71 students in 2 sections of one course, not assigned at random and taught by one of the authors. Over the 16-week semester, motivation dropped once and stayed lower in the section with a compulsory system of 22 badges and a leaderboard, while it rose in the section without [18]. The picture-tagging experiment found no harm to motivation from points, levels or a leaderboard in its one short session [3].
My preference
My reason is the same as for streaks: a badge would reward one answer on the curtain over the other.
What the app does instead
The day starts over. Each night the limit comes back in full, and nothing carries over in either direction. There is no record to protect and none to repair.
What you earn is yours for the day. A paid price gives a ticket for more minutes. If you do not use them, they lapse with the day, and the app says nothing about it.
There is room for bad days. When you are about to switch a limit off altogether, the app offers extra time from a small weekly reserve, as a smaller step than giving up. In a field experiment, people who were asked to reach a step target every day but had 2 emergency skips a week reached it on 4.00 days a week, against 2.83 days for people asked for every day without skips [19]. That was a goal to do more of something. Even with help from AI tools, I have found no study that tests a reserve for screen time.
Conclusion, not tested
There is one finding about streaks that sits close to what I built. In one of the paid-streak experiments, a version in which a break did not lower the rate still beat the flat rate [2]. I read that as a sign that the effect did not hang on the penalty alone. The penalty is one part of a streak my app leaves out: after a bad day, nothing in it is taken away. What those experiments still required was doing things in a row, and my app does not ask for that either.
What speaks against my choice
Streaks mostly work where they have been tested, and I may be giving up something that would keep people with the app. People ask for them; my tester did. Some users want a harder push than I am willing to build.
The sharpest point is against the curtain itself. The pop-up in the Twitter study told people after 20 minutes of use how long they had been in the app and offered a button to leave, and 6 of 11 interviewees found it more annoying than useful; one said, “I’d rather make that decision on my own, to close the app” [14]. The same person thought such a feature would be good for people who cannot stop, and only 6 of the 31 had wanted to use Twitter less in the first place [14]. My curtain differs in two ways: the limit is one you set yourself, and more time has a price. I know of no study that tests whether that is enough of a difference, and I have not tested it myself.
What this does not show
I have no numbers of my own to set against any of this. The app is in a public beta, and it sends me no usage data.
How I checked
I searched and read for this article with AI research tools on 8 October 2026. They read each paper in full, methods, results and limitations, and then a second pass held every sentence that cites a paper against that paper’s text. I cite 16 papers here for the first time. Five of them were open only in the authors’ own versions: two manuscripts [18; 3], an accepted manuscript [12], a dissertation reprint [9] and a preprint [15]. Three papers carry a published correction; all three were read, and none touches a result I use. Every number is traced to a passage of its source. The searches found no long-term study of streaks in an app and none in adults with ADHD; a study I did not find may still exist. If you find something I got wrong, the imprint has my address.
Sources
- Silverman & Barasch (2023). On or Off Track: How (Broken) Streaks Affect Consumer Decisions. Journal of Consumer Research. doi.org/10.1093/jcr/ucac029. Lab study↑
- Mehr et al. (2025). The motivating power of streaks: Increasing persistence is as easy as 1, 2, 3. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes. doi.org/10.1016/j.obhdp.2025.104391. Lab study Corrected↑↑↑↑
- Mekler et al. (2017). Towards understanding the effects of individual gamification elements on intrinsic motivation and performance. Computers in Human Behavior. doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2015.08.048. Lab study↑↑↑↑
- Hamari (2017). Do badges increase user activity? A field experiment on the effects of gamification. Computers in Human Behavior. doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2015.03.036. Field study↑↑
- Mazeas et al. (2022). Evaluating the Effectiveness of Gamification on Physical Activity: Systematic Review and Meta-analysis of Randomized Controlled Trials. Journal of Medical Internet Research. doi.org/10.2196/26779. Meta-analysis↑↑
- Ingalls et al. (2026). The dark side of streaking: Examining the backfire potential of run streaking in recreational runners who broke a long-term streak. PLOS One. doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0317254. Interview study↑
- Rodrigues et al. (2022). Gamification suffers from the novelty effect but benefits from the familiarization effect: Findings from a longitudinal study. International Journal of Educational Technology in Higher Education. doi.org/10.1186/s41239-021-00314-6. Field study↑↑
- Seery et al. (2025). “A one-stop shop”: Real-world use and app-users' experiences of a psychoeducational smartphone app for adults with ADHD. Internet Interventions. doi.org/10.1016/j.invent.2025.100807. Interview study↑↑
- Luman, Oosterlaan & Sergeant (2005). The impact of reinforcement contingencies on AD/HD: A review and theoretical appraisal. Clinical Psychology Review. doi.org/10.1016/j.cpr.2004.11.001. Review Corrected↑↑↑
- De Meyer et al. (2019). Reinforcement Contingency Learning in Children with ADHD: Back to the Basics of Behavior Therapy. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology. doi.org/10.1007/s10802-019-00572-z. Lab study↑
- Soman & Cheema (2004). When Goals Are Counterproductive: The Effects of Violation of a Behavioral Goal on Subsequent Performance. Journal of Consumer Research. doi.org/10.1086/383423. Lab study↑↑
- Kirchner, Shiffman & Wileyto (2012). Relapse dynamics during smoking cessation: Recurrent abstinence violation effects and lapse-relapse progression. Journal of Abnormal Psychology. doi.org/10.1037/a0024451. Field study↑↑↑
- Beaton, Sirois & Milne (2020). Self-compassion and Perceived Criticism in Adults with Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD). Mindfulness. doi.org/10.1007/s12671-020-01464-w. Survey↑
- Zhang et al. (2022). Monitoring Screen Time or Redesigning It?: Two Approaches to Supporting Intentional Social Media Use. CHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems. doi.org/10.1145/3491102.3517722. Field study↑↑↑
- Bhat et al. (2026). "In my defense, only three hours on Instagram": Designing Toward Digital Self-Awareness and Wellbeing. Proceedings of the 2026 CHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems. doi.org/10.1145/3772318.3790263. Field study↑↑
- Etkin (2016). The Hidden Cost of Personal Quantification. Journal of Consumer Research. doi.org/10.1093/jcr/ucv095. Lab study↑
- Lyngs et al. (2022). The Goldilocks level of support: Using user reviews, ratings, and installation numbers to investigate digital self-control tools. International Journal of Human-Computer Studies. doi.org/10.1016/j.ijhcs.2022.102869. Data analysis↑
- Hanus & Fox (2015). Assessing the effects of gamification in the classroom: A longitudinal study on intrinsic motivation, social comparison, satisfaction, effort, and academic performance. Computers & Education. doi.org/10.1016/j.compedu.2014.08.019. Field study Corrected↑↑
- Sharif & Shu (2021). Nudging persistence after failure through emergency reserves. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes. doi.org/10.1016/j.obhdp.2019.01.004. Randomised trial↑
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